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A Critical Analysis Of: 'The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order' by Samuel P. Huntington

This essay challenges key assertions made by renowned scholar Dr. Samuel P. Huntington in his book "The Clash of Civilizations." The author oversimplifies complex issues and his assertions will be scrutinized and alternative theories presented.

In Dr. Samuel P. Huntington's book "Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order" the author presents as a main thesis the following: 1) with the end of the Cold War, political ideologies have given way to differing cultural and religious values, i.e. civilizations, as the gravitational fields of attraction which group like-minded national sympathies and create de facto world alliances; 2) the key blocs thus created will be Euro-Atlantic civilization, a Russian-centered Slavic bloc, the Islamic World, a Chinese-centered East Asian grouping, Japanese civilization, and Indian civilization; 3) the West's power will inevitably decline relative to the rest of the world, in particular an ascendant China, which poses the greatest threat of global conflict if it cannot be peacefully integrated into current power structures; 4) Islamic revivalism coupled with Arab demographic explosion will make that part of the world the greatest source of secondary global conflicts for the next generation or two, with the attendant dangers of terrorism potentially leveraged by nuclear proliferation; and 5) if the United States wishes to thrive or at least survive in a world based on civilizations, it must reject multi-culturalism and reaffirm its roots and unity in European civilization. Throughout the course of this critical analysis these ideas will be analyzed and scrutinized and alternative theories will be presented.

Dr. Huntington makes an attempt to explain global conflict and international politics in a post-cold war world through the lens of cultural differences but greatly oversimplifies. The theory that nations generally act in an alliance with their closest "cultural" brethren is certainly valid, however, ignores the unforeseeable impact technology has on an ever-shrinking world. The theory of complex interdependence suggests that as the world becomes a smaller place all regions will become interconnected through commerce and communication. Societies will learn to live with one another regardless of cultural differences in order to procure commodities or security (Keohane amp; Nye, 2000). In fact, the close relationship between the United States and Japan, two opposing civilizations according to Dr. Huntington, has yielded enormous benefits to both nations and resulted in a Japanese economy that is among the strongest in the region. While nations that are culturally similar may more easily form an international partnership, alliances typically develop out of necessity and convenience and not simply cultural congruence.

The author, once again, over-simplifies an extremely complex topic by neatly dividing the world in several blocs or civilizations. Experts continue to disagree on how to define a "civilization." While some consider Latin America western, others do not. Some consider some western African nations western. Another interesting point to consider is that of secular elites within the Islamic world. Is it possible for a western civilization to exist within the Islamic world? Consider also how societies integrate various sects of their society that may not be entirely homogenous. A democratic society may behave differently and be much more welcoming and receptive to an internal civilization comprised of dissimilar individuals while a more totalitarian society would subjugate that populace. This analysis suggests that it is not a difference of civilization that creates conflict, but a difference of governmental philosophies. This principle relates to Dr. Huntington's fifth thesis and will be discussed in a later paragraph.

The idea that China is the greatest global threat and is threatening the position of the United States as the hegemonic power is likely accurate and most scholars are in agreement with Dr. Huntington on this issue. Where some disagree is the reason for the rise of China and whether or not there is a decline in American prestige worldwide. The Chinese expansion is almost entirely due to the nation's willingness to adapt and work with any world partner where it is able to create growth. These capitalistic ideals combined with strict governmental control over its workforce are a clear diversion from China's once isolated world posture. China's economy is now intrinsically linked to that of the United States in commerce. An appropriate parallel, which would likely be approved of by Dr. Huntington, is that of the cold war with the destruction being mutually assured by economic means as opposed to nuclear ones. Another component, ignored by the author, is that with robust trade comes cultural and value influences (McNeill, 1997).

The fundamental flaw with Dr. Huntington's analysis of "Islamic Resurgence," and with much of the book, is that he places all of Islam in a single, inseparable group. He uses historical precedent to posit that different major religions will always wage war with one another because they inherently represent different civilizations. This cynical view presupposes that democratic ideals are limited to western societies. As evidenced by recent revolutions within the Middle-East, brought upon largely by technology, people everywhere see the value in democratic ideals such as freedom of speech and the ability to select their leadership, regardless of religious identity. Additionally, most of those countries that are responsible for Dr. Huntington's Islamic Resurgence do not withdraw from the world markets, but thrive by working within the global society, most notably Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. In fact, very few nations are prepared to pay the high economic cost associated with removing themselves from the world economy (McNeill, 1997). Noticeably absent throughout Dr. Huntington's analysis is any reference to a Jewish civilization or, perhaps most apparent, the Arab-Israeli conflict. The war had political, economic, and social impacts for the entire Middle-East and is a critical element for understanding an Islamic civilization. While Dr. Huntington may contend that the Jews do not have a unique civilization, it appears as though they were strategically omitted because they have not been in conflict with the west and could weaken his overall argument. With respect to the worldwide Islamic demographic explosion, this will likely lead to a culture shift with the potential for some internal hostilities, but certainly not a war as described by Dr. Huntington. This invites a discussion of the final section of the book and perhaps the largest overlooked aspect of a civilization, its ability to change.

The final section suggests that in order for the United States to move forward and continue to be a world power they must reaffirm their own unique culture and promote the western civilization. Dr. Huntington totally ignores the notion that traditions and civilizations are capable of change. Subsequently, he does not examine the reasons for that change so it can be applied to future analysis. In the 4th century the Christian church had a policy of killing non-believers. By any modern-day, civilized societal standard this would be viewed as a barbaric practice. The point is, of course, that democracy, technology, and economic development change societies, nations, and civilizations for the better and reduce conflicts between states. States that are democratic, typically, do not go to war with one another. It does not matter if the two states are considered western, eastern, or if they are from two different cultural traditions entirely. Within a democracy, an enormous amount of strength is derived because of the multi-culturalism maligned by Dr. Huntington.

Overall, Dr. Huntington uses a cold war mentality to examine the modern world. One in which an enemy is clearly defined and battle lines can clearly be drawn. He attempts to use the nebulous term "civilization" to identify each side and prescribes many of the same traits usually reserved for nations to those bodies. Civilizations do not engage in predictable relations and do not possess cogent leadership structures as nations do. Therefore, it is impractical to think a civilization capable of waging war or uniting for good. The ever-shrinking world will allow, and is allowing, distant countries to develop the close relationships once exclusively reserved for those geographically close to one another. Furthermore, there exists a deficiency in his ability to explain, within his formula, which category Latin America and Africa fall into. When describing the threat of China to the United States, the reliance of those respective governments on one another to ensure success is overlooked. In the current world economic environment the success of China is important to the world economy, as is that of the United States. With respect to the "Islamic Resurgence" there exist numerous deficiencies. The theory implies that an Islamic civilization is incapable of valuing democratic ideals such as free speech and is unwilling to adapt to exist in the world market place. This has been disproved by countries such as the UAE and Saudi Arabia and further countered by recent protests in less secular nations. Also, the role of the Jewish population throughout the Islamic world was overlooked, despite the fact that so much international policy has been driven by that interaction. Civilizations are comprised of people and people change. They adapt by necessity to economic and societal pressures and opportunities. While some customs or civilizations withstand the test of time, others are modified, while others vanish completely. Dr. Huntington's work is certainly worth considering, for there is value in understanding the various cultures of the world and those that operate within a nation, but future clashes, as were previous clashes, will be between states and not civilizations.

Huntington, S. P. (1996). The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. New York: Simon amp; Schuster.

Keohane, R. O., amp; Nye, J. S. (2000). Power and Interdependence. New York: Longman Publisher.

McNeill, W. H. (1997, January 9). The New York Review of Books. Retrieved May 5, 2020, from nybooks: